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Che Guevara Archives
Afro-Asian Conference
From Algeria Guevara traveled to Mali, Congo (Brazzaville),
Guinea, Ghana, Dahomey, Tanzania, and the United Arab Republic.
He then returned to Algiers to attend the Second Economic Seminar
of the Organization of Afro-Asian Solidarity. The speech he
made there, particularly in its passages regarding economic
relations between underdeveloped countries and the countries
of the Soviet bloc, was one of the most important of his career.
His speech, delivered on February 26, 1965, is here translated
in full.
 Dear
Brothers: Cuba is attending this conference to raise on her
own the voice of the peoples of America; and as we have emphasized
on other occasions also, Cuba speaks both in her capacity as
an underdeveloped country and as a country building socialism.
It is not by accident that our delegation is permitted to give
its opinion here among the peoples of Asia and Africa. A common
aspiration unites us in our march toward the future: the defeat
of imperialism. A common past of struggle against the same enemy
has united us along the road.
This is an assembly of embattled peoples, and the battle is
being developed on two equally important fronts which require
all our efforts. The struggle against imperialism for liberation
from colonial or neocolonial shackles, imposed by political
arms or firearms or a combination of the two, is inseparable
from the struggle against backwardness and poverty; both are
steps on the same road leading toward the creation of a new
society of justice and plenty.
It is imperative to take political power and to liquidate the
oppressor classes; but then the second stage of the struggle,
which perhaps may have more difficult features than the first,
must be faced.
Ever since monopoly capital took over the world it has kept
the greater part of humanity in poverty, dividing all the profits
among the most powerful nations. The higher standard of living
in those nations is based on the misery of ours. Thus to raise
the standard of living of the underdeveloped peoples, there
must be a fight against imperialism. And each time a country
is torn away from the imperialists, it is not only a partial
battle won against the main enemy, but it also contributes to
the general weakening of that enemy and is one step more toward
final victory.
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There are no boundaries in this struggle to the death. We cannot
be indifferent to what happens anywhere in the world, for a
victory by any country over imperialism is our victory; just
as any country's defeat is a defeat for all of us. The practice
of proletarian internationalism is not only a duty for the peoples
struggling for a better future, it is an inescapable necessity.
If the imperialist enemy, American or any other, develops its
attack against the underdeveloped peoples and the socialist
countries, simple logic determines the necessity of an alliance
between the underdeveloped peoples and the socialist countries.
If there were no other uniting factor, the common enemy should
be it.
Of course this alliance cannot be made spontaneously, without
discussions or previous birth pangs, which sometimes can be
painful.
Each time a country is freed, we say, it is a defeat for the
world imperialist system, but we must agree that real liberation
or breaking away from the imperialist system is not achieved
by the mere act of proclaiming independence or winning an armed
victory in a revolution. Freedom is achieved when imperialist
economic domination over a people is brought to an end.
Therefore the socialist countries have a vital stake in making
these acts of breaking away from the imperialist system successful;
and it is our international duty, a duty determined by our guiding
ideology, to make this liberation as rapid and thoroughgoing
as possible.
A conclusion must be drawn from all this: The development of
countries now starting out on the road to liberation should
be paid for by the socialist countries. We state it this way
without any intention whatsoever of blackmail or dramatics,
nor of currying favor with the Afro-Asian peoples, but as a
profound conviction. Socialism cannot exist without a change
in conscience to a new fraternal attitude toward humanity, not
only within the societies which are building or have built socialism,
but also on a world scale toward all peoples suffering from
imperialist oppression.
We believe the duty of aiding dependent countries should be
approached in such a spirit. There should not be any more talk
about developing mutually beneficial trade based on prices rigged
against underdeveloped countries by the law of value and the
inequitable relations of international trade brought about by
that law.
How can one apply the term "mutual benefit" to the
selling at world-market prices of raw materials costing limitless
sweat and suffering in the underdeveloped countries and the
buying of machinery produced in today's big, automated factories?
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If we establish that kind of relation between the two groups
of nations, we must agree that the socialist countries are,
in a way, accomplices of imperialist exploitation. It can be
argued that the amount of exchange with underdeveloped countries
is an insignificant part of the foreign trade of the socialist
countries. That is a great truth, but it does not eliminate
the immoral character of the exchange.
The socialist countries have the moral duty of liquidating their
tacit complicity with the exploiting countries of the West.
The fact that the trade today is small does not mean much. In
1959, Cuba sold sugar only occasionally to a socialist-bloc
country, usually through English brokers or brokers of other
nationalities.
Today, 80 per cent of Cuba's trade is with that area; all her
vital supplies come from the socialist camp, and in fact she
has joined that camp. We cannot say that this was brought about
solely by the increase in trade, nor that the increase in trade
was brought about by the destruction of the old order and the
adoption of the socialist form of development; both extremes
touch and are interrelated.
 We
did not start out on the path that ends in communism, foreseeing
all steps as logically predetermined by an ideology advancing
toward a fixed goal. The truths of socialism and, even more,
the naked truths of imperialism forged our people and showed
them the path which we consciously took later. The peoples of
Asia and Africa that are advancing toward their own complete
liberation should take the same path. They will follow it sooner
or later, regardless of what modifying adjective their socialism
may take today.
There is no other definition of socialism valid for us than
that of the abolition of the exploitation of man by man. As
long as this has not been achieved, we are in the stage of the
building of socialist society; and if instead of achieving this
goal, the elimination of exploitation comes to a halt, or worse,
is reversed, then it is false even to speak of building socialism.
We have to prepare conditions so that our brothers can directly
and consciously take the path of the complete abolition of exploitation,
but we cannot ask them to take that path if we ourselves are
accomplices of that exploitation. If we were asked what the
methods were for establishing just prices, we could not answer
because we do not know concretely the full scope of the problems
involved. All we know is that, after political discussions,
the Soviet Union and Cuba signed agreements advantageous to
us, in accordance with which we will sell five million tons
of sugar at prices fixed above those of the so-called Free World
Sugar Market. The People's Republic of China also pays those
prices in buying from us.
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This is only a beginning; the real task consists of fixing prices
that will permit development. A great ideological change is
needed to change the character of international relations; foreign
trade should not determine politics, but should on the contrary
be subordinated to the politics of fraternity toward peoples.
Let us briefly analyze the problem of long-term credits for
developing basic industries. Frequently we find that beneficiary
countries attempt to create industrial bases too large for their
actual capability, whose products would not be all consumed
domestically. And they mortgage their reserves in this effort.
Our reasoning is that in the socialist states investments weigh
directly on the state budget, and are only paid off through
the utilization of what is produced by the investment in the
entire manufacturing cycle. We propose that some thought be
given to the possibility of making these kinds of investments
in the underdeveloped countries.
In this way an immense hidden force in our continents —
miserably exploited but never aided in their development —
could be tapped and a new era begun of a real international
division of labor, based not on the history of what has been
done up to now, but rather on the future history of what can
be done.
The states, in whose territories the new investments are to
be made, will have all the inherent rights of sovereign property
over them without any payment or credit due, but they would
be obligated to supply agreed-upon quantities of products to
the investor countries for a certain number of years at fixed
prices.
The method for financing the local expenses incurred by the
investor country in such projects also deserves study. The supplying
of marketable goods on long-term credits to the governments
of underdeveloped countries could be one form of aid not requiring
the expenditure of freely convertible funds.
Another difficult problem is the mastering of technology. The
shortage of technicians in underdeveloped countries is well
known to all. Educational institutions and teachers are lacking.
Sometimes we even lack an understanding of which of our needs
should be given priority in a program of technical, cultural,
and ideological development. The socialist countries should
supply the aid for organizing centers for technical training;
they should insist upon the great importance of this, and supply
technicians to fill the present need.
 It
is necessary to insist further on this last point. The technicians
who come to our countries must be exemplary. They are comrades
who find themselves in a strange environment, often one hostile
to technology, with a different language and totally different
customs. The technicians facing this difficult task should be,
first of all, communists in the most profound and noble sense
of the word. With this single quality, plus flexibility and
a modicum of organization, wonders can be accomplished.
We know it can be done because brother countries have sent us
a certain number of technicians who have done more toward the
development of our country than ten institutes, and have contributed
more to our friendship than ten ambassadors or a hundred diplomatic
receptions.
f we could achieve the above-listed points, and also if the
underdeveloped could acquire all the technology of the advanced
countries unhampered by the present system of patents, which
prevents the spread of the inventions of different countries,
we would progress a great deal in our common task.
Imperialism has been defeated in many partial battles. But it
remains a considerable force in the world, and we cannot expect
its final defeat save through effort and sacrifice on the part
of all of us.
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Top
The proposed steps, however, cannot be taken unilaterally. The
development of underdeveloped countries should be paid for by
the socialist countries, we agree. But the underdeveloped countries
must also exert all their forces to embark resolutely upon the
road of building a new society — whatever itsname may
be — where the machine, an instrument of labor, is no
longer an instrument of the exploitation of man by man. Nor
can the confidence of the socialist countries be expected by
those who play at balancing between capitalism and socialism,
trying to use each force as a counterweight in order to derive
certain advantages from such competition. A new policy of absolute
seriousness should govern the relations between the two groups
of societies. It is worth emphasizing again that the means of
production should preferably be in the hands of the state, so
that features of exploitation may gradually disappear.
On the other hand, development should not be left to complete
improvisation; it is necessary to plan the construction of the
new society. Planning is one of the laws of socialism; and without
it, it would not exist. Without correct planning there can be
no adequate guarantee that all the various sectors of a country's
economy will combine harmoniously for the forward strides which
our epoch demands. Planning is not an isolated problem of each
of our small countries, distorted in their development, possessors
of some raw materials or producers of some manufactured or semimanufactured
goods, but lacking in most others. From the very beginning,
planning should tend toward some regional view in order to coordinate
the various national economies, and thus bring about an integration
on the basis of a genuine mutual benefit.
We believe the road ahead is full of dangers, not dangers conjured
up or foreseen in the distant future by some superior mind,
but palpable dangers deriving from the realities besetting us.
The fight against colonialism has reached its final stages;
but in the present era, colonial status is only a consequence
of imperialist domination. As long as imperialism exists, it
will, by definition, exert its domination over other countries.
Today that domination is called neocolonialism.
 Neocolonialism
was first developed in South America, throughout the whole continent,
and today it begins to be felt with increasing intensity in
Africa and Asia. Its forms of penetration and development have
distinct characteristics. One is the brutal aggression we have
seen in the Congo. Brute force, without concealment or disguise
of any kind, is its final weapon. But there is another more
subtle form: political penetration in liberated countries, alliances
with the growing indigenous bourgeoisies, development of a parasitic
bourgeoisie closely linked to the old metropolitan interests.
This development may be fostered by a certain temporary rise
in the popular standard of living, because in a very backward
country the simple step from feudal to capitalist relations
marks a great advance, although it may later bring dire consequences
for the workers.
Neocolonialism has shown its claws in the Congo. That is not
a sign of strength, but of weakness; it had to resort to force,
its final weapon, as an economic argument. This has evoked opposition
of great intensity. But at the same time a much more subtle
form of neocolonialism is being practiced in other countries
of Africa and Asia, and is rapidly bringing about what some
have called the South-Americanization of these continents; that
is, the development of a parasitic bourgeoisie, which adds nothing
to the national wealth of their countries, but even goes so
far as to deposit its huge dishonest profits in capitalist banks
abroad; and to obtain more profits, this parasitic bourgeoisie
signs pacts with foreigners with absolute disregard for the
welfare of the people of their countries.
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There are also other dangers such as competition between brother
countries, which are politically friendly and sometimes neighbors,
because both are trying simultaneously to develop the same investments
in markets which cannot take the increased volume of products,
This competition has the disadvantage of wasting energies that
could be used for much greater economic cooperation, and furthermore
it allows the imperialist monopolies to play games with us.
When it has been impossible to get a certain investment from
the socialist camp, there have been occasions when it has been
obtained by agreements with the capitalists. Such capitalist
investments not only have the disadvantage of the way the loans
are made, but others, such as the creation of a joint corporation
with a dangerous neighbor. Since these investments in general
parallel those made in other states, they tend to cause divisions
between friendly countries by the creation of economic rivalries;
and further, they create the dangers of corruption flowing from
the constant presence of capitalism which is so skillful in
conjuring up visions of advancement and luxury in the minds
of many people.
Later on, when prices in the saturated market decline, the countries
engaged in the parallel production find themselves obliged to
seek new loans, or to permit additional investments for further
competition. The falling of the economy into the hands of the
monopolies, and a slow but sure return to the past is the final
consequence of such a policy. As we see it, the only safe way
of obtaining investments from the capitalist powers is for the
state to have direct control as the sole purchaser of goods,
limiting imperialist participation to the supplying of goods
in accordance with the contracts and not permitting them to
get beyond the street door to our house. And here it is just
and proper to take advantage of inter-imperialist contradictions
in order to secure the least burdensome terms.
It is necessary to watch the "disinterested" economic,
cultural, and other aid which imperialism grants directly or,
since it is better received that way in some parts of the world,
through puppet states.
If all of the dangers pointed out are not seen in time, some
countries that began their task of national liberation with
faith and enthusiasm may find themselves unwittingly stepping
onto the neocolonial road, and find further that monopoly domination
has been gradually establishing itself within their territories
with such subtlety that its effects are difficult to discern
until they brutally make themselves felt.
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There is a big job to be done. Immense problems confront our
two worlds — that of the socialist countries and that
called the "third world" — problems directly
concerning man and his welfare, and the struggle against the
main culprit for our backwardness. In the face of these problems,
all countries and peoples aware of their duties, of the dangers
inherent in the situation, of the sacrifices required by development,
should take concrete steps to cement our friendship in the two
fields — which can never be separated — the economic
and political. And we should organize a great solid bloc which,
in its turn, helps new countries to free themselves not only
from political domination, but from imperialist economic domination
as well.
Our attitude toward liberation by armed struggle against an
oppressor political power should be in accordance with the rules
of proletarian internationalism. If it is absurd to imagine
that in a socialist country at war a factory manager would demand
a guarantee of payment before shipping to the front the tanks
produced by his factory, it is no less absurd to inquire of
a people fighting for liberation, or needing arms to defend
its freedom, whether or not they can guarantee payment.
Arms cannot be regarded as merchandise in our world. They should
be delivered to the peoples asking for them for use against
the common enemy without any charge at all, and in quantities
determined by the need and their availability. That is the spirit
in which the USSR and the People's Republic of China have offered
us their military aid. We are socialists, we constitute a guarantee
of the proper utilization of those arms; but we are not the
only ones. And all of us should receive the same treatment.
To the ominous attacks by American imperialism against Vietnam
and the Congo, the answer should be the supplying of all the
defense equipment they need, and to offer them our full solidarity
without any conditions whatsoever.
 In
the economic field we must conquer the road to development with
the most advanced technology possible. We cannot climb the long
ascending road from feudalism to the atomic and automated era.
That would be the road of immense and largely useless sacrifices.
It is necessary to seize technology at the height it has attained
today to make the great technological leap ahead which will
reduce the gap between the more developed countries and ourselves.
This means big factories and a properly developed agriculture.
And above all, its foundation must be a technological and ideological
culture with enough mass base and strength to guarantee the
continuing sustenance of the institutes and research organizations
which have to be created in each country — as well as
the men who, utilizing the present technology, may be capable
of adapting themselves to the newly mastered technology.
These cadres must be conscious of their duties to the society
in which they live. There cannot be an adequate technological
culture if it is not complemented by ideological culture. And
in most of our countries a proper foundation for industrial
development, which is what determines the growth of modern society,
cannot exist if we do not begin by assuring for our people the
necessary food, the essential consumer goods, and adequate education.
A good part of the national revenues must be spent on the so-called
unproductive investment in education, and special attention
must be given to the development of agricultural productivity.
The latter has reached incredible levels in many capitalist
countries, producing the senseless crisis of overproduction
and a surplus of grain and other food products and industrial
raw materials in the developed countries while the rest of the
world suffers hunger, although it has enough land and labor
to produce several times over what is needed to feed the entire
world.
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Agriculture must be considered a fundamental pillar of our development,
and therefore changes in the agricultural structure, adjustment
to the new technological possibilities, as well as the new duties
of eliminating the exploitation of man, should be fundamental
aspects of the work.
Before making costly decisions that could cause irreparable
damage, a careful study of the national territory is needed.
This is one of the preliminary steps in economic research and
an absolute prerequisite for correct planning.
We warmly support Algeria's proposition for institutionalizing
our relations. We would like to make some supplementary suggestions:
First, for the Union to be an instrument in the struggle against
imperialism, the cooperation of Latin American countries and
the alliance of the socialist countries is necessary.
Second, we should be vigilant about the revolutionary character
of the Union, preventing the admission into it of governments
or movements not identified with the general aspirations of
the people, and creating mechanisms that would permit the separation
from it of any government or movement diverging from the just
road.
Third, we must advocate the establishment of new relations which
create a revolutionary jurisprudence to defend us in case of
conflict, and to give new meaning to the relations between us
and the rest of the world.
We speak the language of revolution and we honestly fight for
the victory of that cause. But frequently we entangle ourselves
in the nets of an international law created as the result of
confrontations between the imperialist powers, and not by the
free peoples, the just peoples, in the course of their struggles.
For example, our peoples suffer the painful pressure of foreign
bases established on their territories, or they have to carry
the heavy burdens of foreign debts of incredible size.
The history of these burdens is well known to all of us. Puppet
governments, governments weakened by long struggles for liberation
or by the operation of the laws of the capitalist market, have
acquiesced to treaties which endanger us internally and compromise
our future.
 This
is the time to throw off the yoke, to force renegotiation of
oppressive foreign debts, and to force the imperialists to give
up their bases for aggression on our territories.
I would not want to conclude these remarks, this repetition
of concepts you all know, without calling the attention of this
gathering to the fact that Cuba is not the only American nation;
it is simply the only one that has the opportunity of speaking
before you today; and that other countries are shedding their
blood to win the rights we have; and that when we send our greetings
from here, and from all the conferences and the places where
they may be held, to the heroic peoples of Vietnam, Laos, so-called
Portuguese Guinea, South Africa, or Palestine — to all
exploited countries fighting for their emancipation —
we should simultaneously extend our voice, our hand, our encouragement,
to our brother peoples in Venezuela, Guatemala and Colombia
who today, arms in hand, are giving a resolute No! to the imperialist
enemy.
And there are few settings from which to declare this as symbolic
as Algiers, one of the most heroic capitals of freedom. And
the magnificent Algerian people, steeled as few others in suffering
for freedom, and firmly led by its party headed by our dear
comrade Ahmed Ben Bella, serves as an inspiration to us in this
fight without quarter against world imperialism.
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